July - December 2006

Why Democracies Need a League of Their Own
By G. John Ikenberry
December 20, 2006

In Forging a World of Liberty Under Law, Anne-Marie and I propose the creation of a Concert of Democracies. This is a very old idea, dating at least as far back as Immanuel Kant’s vision of a league of republican nation-states.[...] In proposing a Concert of Democracies, we are urging the world’s democracies to once again organize, produce, integrate, and work together – and in doing so, collectively provide leadership. Here are our ideas.
First, let’s situate the proposal for a Concert of Democracies in the wider agenda for global governance reform. In the Princeton Project, we propose a general overhaul of global institutions – starting with reform of the United Nations. I dare say that if these other reforms are not also pursued, a league of democracies will not help that much. Indeed, if I had to pick between two reform steps – reform of the UN Security Council and the creation of a Concert of Democracies - I would chose UNSC reform.
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US and Europe must learn about alliances
Ivo Daalder and James Goldgeier 
December 14, 2006 
I
n recent months George W. Bush has rediscovered the virtues of having allies and working within alliances. In every big challenge confronting the US – from Iraq to Afghanistan, from Iran to North Korea – he has sought to enlist the help of America’s traditional allies. But in many cases the very allies who bitterly complained about the US president’s unilateralism only a short time ago have been reluctant to do their part in helping multilateralism succeed.
Nowhere is this more true than in Europe. Last month’s Nato summit should have been the time for a rousing call for the alliance to act effectively and transform itself into an organisation that would establish partnerships around the world to address common threats. But progress was minimal, because the Europeans were unable to seize the opportunity presented by an America that has realised it cannot solve these problems alone. Even on current multilateral efforts, key Europeans are falling short.

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Outside View: The meaning of global NATO
By IRA STRAUS
December 4, 2006 
WASHINGTON, (UPI) -- NATO's tag line for last week's Riga summit, "Going Global," is a phrase that invites misunderstanding. It is often taken to mean indiscriminate globalization of NATO. Herewith a primer on its actual multiple layers of meaning.
Alliance Membership. "Going global" means: not to bring in all democracies, as is being urged by some enthusiasts with little grounding in Atlanticism, but only those around that world that fit in as part of the evolved historic Atlantic grouping. Specifically, Australia and New Zealand, which have been a part of Atlantic alliances since 1917; and Japan and South Korea, which for decades have been indirect allies and members of extended Atlantic economic structures such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and the Group of Eight. 
NATO would have welcomed them during the Cold War if they had wanted to join; for diplomatic reasons they couldn't then, and still can't outright, so they will not become formal members at this stage but partners.

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Democracies of the World, Unite

The American Interest
December 2006
T
he Bush revolution in foreign policy is over. After September 11, the Administration acted on the conviction that an America that dared to shake off the constraints of international rules, laws and institutions could remake the world for the better. What they found instead was that an America unbound alienated allies, empowered adversaries and divided Americans. Faced with an overstretched military and multiplying threats, the Bush Administration in its second term has acknowledged through its deeds what its critics have long argued: The United States, powerful but not omnipotent, needs to work closely with others if it is to solve the foreign policy challenges now confronting it. To paraphrase Richard Nixon, we’re all multilateralists now.
While the Bush Administration’s renewed commitment to cooperate with others resolves one major foreign policy debate of the past six years, it doesn’t resolve another—namely, what kind of multilateralism do we need? President Bush’s conversion to multilateralism has been of a particular sort. It mostly involves traditional diplomacy, typically only with close U.S. allies, and almost always on an ad hoc, problem-oriented tactical basis—as with the decision to take Iran’s nuclear program before the UN Security Council. There is no strategic vision of how international institutions can be shaped to serve longer-range American interests. In many ways, then, President Bush’s second-term multilateralism is a kinder, gentler version of his first-term unilateralism.
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NATO Parliamentary Assembly releases DECLARATION ON NATO’S RIGA SUMMIT

November 17, 2006 
The Riga summit of Alliance Heads of State and Government provides an opportunity for Alliance leaders to reconfirm the continuing importance of NATO as the key transatlantic forum to ensure our collective security. In today's global environment risks and threats to our security are many and diverse. They result from multiple origins: failed or failing states, underdevelopment, bad governance, demographic imbalances, religious radicalization, the resurgence of ideologies hostile to democracy, competition for natural resources and energy, regional instability, transnational organised crime, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and terrorism. NATO's core mission of collective defence must now address these new threats. The Riga Summit should give leadership and direction to this process. 
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The Future of Europe: The Ties that Bind and Divide
Kurt Volker, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs
November 13, 2006
Europeans love to argue that America knows nothing but hard power, and even does that poorly. They see themselves as the champions of soft power. Americans love to argue that Europeans are unwilling to use force when necessary, and even unwilling to use other means such as sanctions to achieve a goal. But take a look around: America has massively increased foreign aid (some figures show a tripling), pledged $15 billion to fight AIDS, it is the largest foreign aid donor in Gaza ($468 million in direct assistance this year), and has led the drive to rebuild Afghanistan, to name a few examples. We are the largest investor in research into clean technologies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Europe, meanwhile, is deploying forces around the globe as we have not seen in over a generation, and for far nobler reasons. France, followed by Italy, is leading the peacekeeping force in Lebanon. Europe is running the force in the Congo and has over 50,000 troops for security missions deployed around the globe. Remember Cote d'Ivoire? Sierra Leone? Bosnia? Europe is leading on those. The truth is that Americans and Europeans are both using hard and soft power and we are doing so in coordinated fashion, toward common ends.
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EU and US united in efforts to strengthen economic integration and boost jobs, growth and competitiveness
November 10, 2006
BRUSSELS - The US Government hosted the second informal US-EU economic ministerial meeting to discuss transatlantic economic integration and shared economic challenges on 9 November. European Union Commission Vice President Verheugen and Finnish Minister for Trade and Industry Mauri Pekkarinen met Commerce Secretary Carlos M. Gutierrez and Energy Secretary Samuel W. Bodman to review joint progress , in the most significant areas of the transatlantic economy, including innovation, intellectual property rights (IPR), and regulatory cooperation.
“The U.S. and EU economic relationship continues to be the largest and most successful bilateral trade and investment relationships in the world,” said Gutierrez.  “However, we also recognize the need to continue to focus on the burdensome regulations that slow down economic growth, promote enforcement of intellectual property rights, and identify ways to collaborate on innovation efforts.  Today we agreed to look at new projects in these areas, such as the automotive and healthcare sectors, to bring meaningful results for both economies.”
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DON'T DIMINISH NATO'S EFFECTIVENESS

By Michele Alliot-Marie
October 20, 2006 
The Washington Times 
Terrorism is spreading in a troubling manner. The risk of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction has increased, while regional crises undermining international security and stability are multiplying…the NATO summit in Riga this November [must bolster] the alliance's solidity in a world that has become uncertain, if not dangerous…. NATO's Rapid Reaction Force is a symbol of the alliance's adaptation to new security imperatives and demonstrates its ability to move rapidly to prevent a crisis. Its complete operationality must be endorsed… Today, however, some are questioning the appropriateness of extending NATO's missions in two directions: geographical the development of partnerships with new countries; and functional; conducting operations in the civilian sphere, notably in the reconstruction of countries that have emerged from crises. The development of a global partnership could in fact not only dilute the natural solidarity between Europeans and North Americans in a vague ensemble, but also, and especially, send a bad political message: that of a campaign launched by the West against those who don't share their ideas. What a pretext we would offer to those who promote the idea of a clash of civilizations. It would be perfectly incompatible with our vision of a multipolar world based on dialogue and respect for others.  Transforming NATO into an organization whose mission is to rebuild both democracy and a nation's economy corresponds neither to its legitimate mandate nor to its means. We must be very careful not to dilute the alliance through poorly defined missions in which it would lose both its soul and its effectiveness. 
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NATO's Renaissance

October 11, 2006 
Last week, NATO assumed command over some 32,000 peacekeeping troops from 37 countries in Afghanistan , including 12,000 U.S. forces in the eastern part of the country. The move confirmed that the half-century-old organization has entered a new era -- and is now facing unprecedented challenges. As Ivo Daalder and James Goldgeier point out in the latest issue of Foreign Affairs, NATO is going global, expanding both its geographical reach and the scope of its
operations. But, warned Strobe Talbott four years ago, to succeed, the U.S.-dominated organization will have to remain cohesive despite growing rifts between the United States and its other members.
(Daalder and Goldgeier Strobe Talbott)

No NATO deal to share quick response force costs

By Kristin Roberts and Mark John

Reuters, September 30, 2006

PORTOROZ, Slovenia (Reuters) - NATO states have failed to forge an agreement on a scheme to share the cost of the alliance's quick-action response force because some rich members, who already face a bigger bill than poorer allies, do not want to pay more, according to U.S. defense officials. [...] NATO military commanders, including the alliance's top operational commander, U.S. Marine Corps Gen. James Jones, have said the traditional funding scheme is not appropriate for the response force.It proves to be a disincentive for smaller and poorer nations to contribute to missions, even if they have troops available, some officials argue."They're caught square on failure to achieve this ahead of Riga ," said another American military official of the NATO states' defense ministers. A proposal to shift to a shared-costs plan for the response force has been supported by 23 of 26 NATO states, including the United States , the senior U.S. defense official said.
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German Marshall Fund Releases Transatlantic Trends Report

September 6, 2006
German Marshall Fund

Transatlantic Trends is an annual public opinion survey examining American and European attitudes toward the transatlantic relationship. A project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States and the Compagnia di San Paolo, with additional support provided by Fundação Luso-Americana, Fundación BBVA, and the Tipping Point Foundation, this year’s survey examines what citizens on both sides of the Atlantic think about a broad range of topics, including:

  • The state of transatlantic relations five years after 9/11
  • The ability of the U.S. and Europe to cooperate on international threats and challenges like a nuclear Iran, the rising power of China, and Islamic fundamentalism.
  • Democracy promotion as a foreign policy goal
  • The compatibility of Islam and democracy
  • The tradeoff between civil liberties and homeland security
  • The role of NATO and the United Nations 

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The European Union and Energy
Looking to the Future

September 2006
The EU has recently released the Energy Policy Outlook. Energy policy is definitely a most challenging issue in world politics. Occasionally it proved a divisive one in transatlantic relations. The expected "end of oil" and the rise of countries such as China and India with escalating energy demands pose new problems and potential threats.
Addressing energy policy issues timely is thus fundamental, as it may result in preventing possible conflicts. In the words of European Commission's President Barroso:" Together, the European Union and the United States can help shape the post-petroleum world of the 21st century. With shared values and common interests, Europe and America can lead the way and help build an energy economy that is secure, protective of the environment, and conducive to economic growth and prosperity around the globe."
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Global NATO

Foreign Affairs, September/October 2006

Analysts Ivo Daalder and James Goldgeier take on the new role of NATO in world politics. Acknowledging the expanded tasks of the Alliance also means devising a wider strategy for its deployment.
" The advent of a new global politics after the Cold War has led NATO to expand its geographic reach and the range of its operations. Now, NATO must extend its membership to any democratic state that can help it fulfill its new responsibilities. Only a truly global alliance can address the global challenges of the day."
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NATO's 21st Century Task: Going From ' Europe ' to 'Global' 
Howard LaFranchi 
Christian Science Monitor 
August 21, 2006 
[...] The fact that the transatlantic alliance has gone in less than a decade from doubts about its purpose to requests for its participation in even the most intractable international disputes - from the Darfur region of Sudan to the recent Mideast war - suggests the pact's transition is considered a success. "It's no longer 'What's its purpose?' when the topic turns to NATO, but rather 'How can we best use it?'" says NATO spokesman James Apathurai. "That's a big transition." But officials say the transition from " Europe " to "global" is still incomplete, with major challenges remaining in areas ranging from capacity for intervention to efficiency and member financial commitments. Some observers worry that demands on NATO are surpassing its abilities and jeopardizing its transition process. [...] [U.S. Ambassador to NATO Victoria ] Nuland says NATO has come a long way since its Balkans intervention in the mid-1990s, including reforms that streamlined military operations. "We've gotten a lot more flexible but there's still a lot of work to do in that regard," she says. For example, she notes that during NATO's bombing campaign against Serbia designed to stop Serbia 's ethnic-cleansing operations, each target had to be approved by NATO's highest decision-making structure, the North Atlantic Council. Now in Afghanistan , operations are more in the hands of a country mission command. [...] This year's [NATO] summit will take up an expansion of cooperation to "global partners", including Japan and Australia , but it is also expected to mark a pause in the 26-country alliance's expansion. [...] NATO officials acknowledge an in-house resistance to an alliance that is too broad in its membership and aims. France expresses concerns about a "weakened core", while others fret NATO could become a "mini UN" with all the inefficiencies and lethargies that comparison entails. 
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Israel Joins NATO Cataloguing System 
Amnon Barzilai
Globes.co.il
August 15, 2006 
Israel joined the NATO cataloguing (codification) system. The IDF Technological and Logistics Directorate will implement the cataloguing procedures in the IDF ahead of the establishment of a national catalogue center. The agreement for Israel ’s participation in the NATO cataloguing system was signed in June, after a year of negotiations. Israel is currently an associate member in the system and will obtain full membership within three years. The NATO cataloguing (codification) system is designed to create a uniform framework of inventory and equipment use in all NATO member states. 
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Study sheds light on European and American social and economic models
August 2006
The welfare state and labor markets policies are often quoted as a leading source of divergences across the Atlantic. European welfare state and rigid labor market policies are often blamed for high unemployment and lower economic mobility across Europe. A recent, comprehensive study from the Washington based Center for Economic and Policy Research addresses these issues into details. The findings, rigorously based on official statistics and empirical observations, are thought provoking and occasionally surprising. While the paper confirms that the US performs quite well in terms of standard employment rates relatively to large European economies such as Germany , France and Italy , it also finds that “smaller” European countries with greater labor rigidity and a stronger welfare state widely outperform the US . The study also finds that according to other indicators such as economic and social mobility, income inequality, relative poverty rates, the US falls short of expectations comparing to European counterparts. The study is not expected to say the last word on this topic. Nevertheless, it offers a fundamental chance of reflections for policymakers on both sides of the Atlantic.
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Resurfacing Transatlantic Tensions
Jela de Franceschi
August 11, 2006
VOAnews.com
During the past year, the United States and Europe have worked hard to mend relations that were deeply frayed by differences over Iraq.  But divergent American and European views are resurfacing over how to handle the crisis in Lebanon and Iran’s nuclear ambitions.Many experts note that since the beginning of President Bush’s second term in office, there has been a clear improvement in U.S.-European relations and that both sides have gone out of their way to heal divisions exposed during the debate over the war in Iraq.   Charles Kupchan, Director of the Europe Program at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York, says Americans and Europeans looked at the possible weakening of their relations and didn’t like what they saw
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Italy 's European Vocation: The Foreign Policy of the New Prodi Government 
Ettore Greco
U.S.-Europe Analysis Series, August 2006
The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC
No one was surprised when Italy 's new resident of the Republic, Giorgio Napolitano, made his first major public appearance on May 21 on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the death of Altiero Spinelli. Spinelli was an ardent theoretician and tireless promoter of European integration and one of the most venerated icons of European federalists. Italy 's new center-left coalition, which elected Mr. Napolitano on May 10, has made the re-launch of Italy 's role within the EU the centerpiece of its foreign policy program. This European vocation is reflected in the composition of the new cabinet led by Romano Prodi which took office on May 17. It includes several prominent figures on the European stage, including: Minister of Finance Tommaso Padoa Schioppa, a former member of the executive board of the European central bank; Minister of the Interior, Giuliano Amato, who was one of the architects of the EU's draft constitutional treaty; and the Minister for European Affairs, Emma Bonino, a former European commissioner. With the support of this team, Prodi, who himself was president of the European Commission from 1999 to 2004, hopes to bring the country back onto the center stage of European politics. In Prodi's view, his predecessor, Silvio Berlusconi, departed from a well-established pro-Europe foreign policy tradition that dates back to Alcide de Gasperi , Italy 's eight-time prime minister in the post-Second War World period. Berlusconi never considered the EU a priority. He preferred to concentrate on consolidating his government's relationship with the Bush administration as well as on cultivating his personal ties with top world leaders. His center-right government took a lukewarm, and sometimes openly hostile, stance on several proposals to deepen European integration.
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Could Lebanon Crisis Lead to a New Transatlantic Rift?
July 25, 2006
The Iraq war caused a diplomatic rift between the US and its allies in 'old Europe' and between European nations themselves that has only recently healed. Will the escalating situation in the Middle East cause another? ...As the death toll mounts in Lebanon and hundreds of thousands are displaced from their homes in what is being called a 'humanitarian disaster', many Europeans are becoming increasingly frustrated with the lack of US support for their position amid fears that hostilities in the Middle East will spiral even further out of control. And some believe that while some Europeans are soft-pedaling their dismay, a new rift is growing.
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EU-US Summit highlights greater cooperation across the Atlantic
July 6, 2006
At the EU-US Summit in Vienna American and European leaders point to significant accomplishments since the 2005 meeting. The Summit Report on transatlantic political and security cooperation remarks achievements in terms of human rights promotion and the establishment of the UN Democracy Fund.
The US-EU Regulatory Cooperation Roadmap, launched at the 2005 Summit, has progressed notably. The roadmap has set high standards of institutional teamwork between US-EU respective law making bodies, resulting in the High Level regulatory Forum. Transatlantic Partners have also adopted an Action Strategy for the Enforcement of Intellectual Property Rights and the Anti-Counterfeiting Move. EU and US officials have also restated their position on Iran and their commitment to devise a joint strategy on the Middle East.
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G8 Countries Agree on Energy Security Rules
The Energy Market
The heads of the foreign offices of the G8 countries, meeting in Moscow yesterday, agreed on a document for the summit in St. Petersburg next month. The document is expected to be a foundation for dependable fuel supplies to the world market. In spite of the disagreement over the subject, Russia seems to have convinced the other countries at least to take a common approach to the problem, that of reducing market influences on world oil prices. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Ivanov announced yesterday that a “solid and all-encompassing” document on energy security was almost ready. According to Lavrov, the document, initiated by Russia, supports “identical market rules of the game on the energy market for all.” U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said the document contained “common sense.”
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America's Uncomfortable Relationship With Nationalism

Graham E. Fuller, The Stanley Foundation

July 2006  
[...]Today nationalism is probably the single most widespread ideology in politics across 
the globe. That the United States should be tone-deaf to this phenomenon in its dealings 
with others represents a serious vulnerability in the formulation of its foreign policies.  

Because of the strongly multiethnic, multicultural nature of our own country, we have our 
own strong national predispositions in the way we understand the phenomenon of 
nationalism. In the United States we also like to distinguish sharply between what we call 
"patriotism" in the United States and "nationalism" everywhere else. In reality this 
distinction is somewhat misleading.  

[...]This brief will look at the roots of American views of nationalism, and the problems 
that these views create. This brief will also study the character of American nationalism 
itself, the nature of the United States as a superpower, and how that status influences our 
views of nationalism abroad. Finally, we will suggest how the United States might more 
usefully address the whole phenomenon of nationalism abroad in order to better manage 
the issue.
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EU-US Summit highlights greater cooperation across the Atlantic

July 6, 2006
At the EU-US Summit in Vienna American and European leaders point to significant accomplishments since the 2005 meeting. The Summit Report on transatlantic political and security cooperation remarks achievements in terms of human rights promotion and the establishment of the UN Democracy Fund. The US-EU Regulatory Cooperation Roadmap, launched at the 2005 Summit , has progressed notably. The roadmap has set high standards of institutional teamwork between US-EU respective law making bodies, resulting in the High Level regulatory Forum. Transatlantic Partners have also adopted an Action Strategy for the Enforcement of Intellectual Property Rights and the Anti-Counterfeiting Move. EU and US officials have also restated their position on Iran and their commitment to devise a joint strategy on the Middle East.

US and Europe: almost like old times
'What's past is past," President Bush said Wednesday in Vienna about Europe's split with the US over Iraq. That's a rosy view, but he's right in this sense: At least governments – if not publics – on both sides are now able to work on other pressing issues despite their differences. At a one-day summit, the top leadership of the 25-member European Union stood firmly with Mr. Bush on the nuclear-problem countries of Iran and North Korea, and pledged to address together energy reliability and democracy issues they have with Russia.
They inched closer to one another on global warming. Austrian Chancellor Wolfgang Schuessel, whose country holds the rotating EU presidency, even jumped to Bush's defense, labeling polls "grotesque" that claim many Europeans believe the US is a greater threat than Iran.This diplomatic unity represents a significant and needed shift from US-European relations during the first-term White House, when ties between Washington and the key capitals of Berlin and Paris were laden with icicles. The world can't afford to have strong democracies locked in a feud. As Bush said simply but aptly, "This world needs us to work together, because there are a lot of challenges."
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